For Uganda, as is with any other country, campaign and election times are unmistakable. Convincing for votes, self-promotion and advertising, it is a time of activity. For Uganda, this is a time of worry for many. The political scene isn’t exactly a peaceful one. But while many signs signal the dawn of a campaign season, nothing screams it louder than posters plastered and nailed on everything and anywhere. And today, we are looking into the “science” of political posters. For any Ugandan, this is no news.
The dawn of a campaign season is always marked by a distribution of posters; every aspirant rushes to get theirs displayed on building walls, gates, electric poles, and any other surface that can hold them. It is the greatest form of advertising: this is my name, this is my party, and this is what I am contesting for. However, while political posters do sound like a great way to advertise, they have also been a tool for sabotage.
Why Posters Matter in Ugandan Politics
Political posters in Uganda are more than just paper and glue. They are literally an integral part of campaigns, especially for a country where not every voter has access to radio, television, or digital platforms. Posters introduce candidates, remind voters of names and party colours, and announce their presence in a particular area. Psychology calls this the “mere exposure effect,” in that the more we see something, the more familiar and acceptable it becomes. A candidate’s name repeated on posters in trading centres, taxi parks, and roadside shops starts to feel like a household name.
Psychology would further lend this towards the Illusory Truth effect, which is basically the idea that a lie repeated often enough becomes the truth is a common saying, often attributed to propaganda techniques. While it’s not literally true that a lie becomes a fact, the repeated exposure to false information can make it feel more familiar and believable
Beyond name recognition, posters serve as territorial markers. They announce that “we are here”. A wall covered in a single candidate’s image sends the message that the ground is “taken.” For supporters, seeing their candidate’s poster in their area can be energising; for opponents, it can be intimidating.
Posters, as a tool for sabotage
As effective as posters are, they also provide fertile ground for political gamesmanship. In Uganda, sabotage through posters is almost as common as the posters themselves. The most glaring example comes when the president or ruling party leaders visit a region. In the days leading up to the visit, it is not unusual for opposition posters to suddenly vanish. Walls that previously carried multiple colours are suddenly repainted in yellow. For bystanders, this creates the image of total dominance, whether or not that’s the reality on the ground.
For example, in July 2025, during President Museveni’s tour of PDM projects in Wakiso, opposition supporters reported that hundreds of their posters had been torn down overnight, leaving streets dominated by yellow posters. – Opposition Posters Defaced in Wakiso As Museveni Tours PDM Projects
In Entebbe, August 2025, opposition NUP supporters launched a “Hands Off My Posters” campaign after alleging that soldiers had removed their posters ahead of a presidential visit.
Poster sabotage also takes the form of selective enforcement. Authorities may cite laws against “illegal placement” or “public nuisance” to remove opposition posters, while leaving those of the ruling party intact. In recent election cycles, there have been multiple cases of arrests, with individuals charged under the Presidential Elections Act for allegedly tearing down certain candidates’ posters. – 15 NUP Supporters Remanded Over Alleged Defacement of Museveni Posters, ChimpReports
Meanwhile, opposition parties complain that their own materials are removed without consequence for the culprits. This uneven application of rules turns a seemingly simple campaign tool into a legal minefield. – NUP Accuses UPDF of Removing their Posters in Entebbe
Another tactic is direct defacement. Opposing party supporters may tear, scribble over, or paste new posters on top of rival ones. The goal is simple: disrupt visibility. Each torn or covered poster means money wasted and visibility lost. For candidates with limited resources, this constant need to reprint and redistribute can drain finances quickly.
The Benefits and Costs of Poster Wars
For the side doing the sabotage, the benefits are clear: dominance of visual space, demoralisation of rivals, and control over what visitors and media see during high-profile events. When a convoy drives through town and every electric pole carries only one face, it reinforces a message of power and inevitability.
That said, sabotage still carries risks. It can backfire by creating sympathy for the targeted candidate. The Entebbe example in 2025, for instance, saw opposition supporters rally around the NUP when videos of soldiers removing posters spread on social media. Acts of sabotage also undermine the credibility of the political process, feeding narratives of intimidation and unfairness that can resonate locally and even internationally.
The Laws and Regulations
Uganda’s Electoral Commission provides guidelines on how and where posters may be displayed. Local governments, such as the Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA), have added their own rules, often banning posters on certain structures or in specific areas. On paper, these rules are meant to maintain order and cleanliness. In practice, however, the enforcement is often politicised. Opposition parties claim that the rules are selectively applied, with their posters swiftly removed while ruling party posters remain untouched.
The Print Economy Behind Posters
An often‑overlooked angle in this story is the poster economy itself. Uganda’s Nasser Road in Kampala is famous for its fast, cheap printing services. During campaign season, the street becomes a hub of political activity, with printers working day and night to churn out posters. Some designs go beyond the ordinary, using provocative imagery, bright colours, or even comic‑book hero motifs to grab attention. This economy is sustainable for the workers because posters are not a one-time expense; sabotage ensures that demand stays constant.
And it will keep as such because posters remain one of the most visible and accessible campaign tools in Uganda. They represent an opportunity for candidates to reach voters directly, but they also symbolise the deeper struggles of Ugandan politics: control of space, narrative, and visibility.
In my view, at least, as long as elections remain central to Uganda’s political life, posters, plastered on walls, poles, and gates, will continue to be both the billboard of ambition and the battleground of contest.
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